More on the rescuing of Pawnee corn

Tom Hoegemeyer very kindly replied to my query about rescuing Pawnee corn, and agreed to have his email published here. Thanks, Tom, and very best wishes with your work with the Pawnee.

I was out at the Pawnee homecoming and have been attempting to help them grow some of their old varieties (some had been in storage in homes for years and has low germination and vigor). We have been successful with some varieties, but others appear to be dead. I have also visited with several of the Pawnee “corn keepers” concerning the varieties, their culture and history. Some of the Pawnee varieties may be listed under other names as well—the Arikara are blood relatives, having separated from the Pawnee, moved north and settled on the Elkhorn and Missouri Rivers. Also, their history of inter-tribal warfare lead to the “theft” of some of their varieties by other neighboring tribes—Oto-Missouria , several Sioux groups, and Omaha in particular. I would not be surprised if the same, or nearly so, varieties may have been collected from other areas. One way to test this would be by DNA, as I have been given samples of a couple of varieties we have had no luck in growing, even with seed treatment, surface sterilization, ATP supplementation, embryo rescue, etc.

Some history as to why I am involved: One of my technicians has an uncle who is a photographer and writer for “Nebraskaland” magazine, and he asked his nephew and me if we would help them recover varieties.

I had done some looking in GRIN, but there seems to be little information, sourcing for Pawnee varieties. The issue is not the fault of GRIN, but the fact that the Pawnee were moved to Oklahoma around 1877. The white settlers brought their seed with them from the east (e.g. Illinois) and the Pawnee varieties were not kept locally. And apparently, they had difficulty growing them in Oklahoma. So other than a few plants/ears from their home gardens, there is no direct seed source. As soon as I have time, I intend to do some searching in GRIN for varieties that may be related to these recalcitrant Pawnee varieties. I would be very open to help, advice, etc. Some of the varieties that have been regrown trace to only a few plants, so there is a sampling/inbreeding issue. Even for these it may be helpful to see if other related sources exist in GRIN.

The Pawnee have a serious issue with obesity and Type II diabetes. They feel that if they could return to their original diet, perhaps there would be fewer health issues. (I suspect that the gardening and hiking to hunt large and small animals would be more important.) There is also a cultural/emotional/religious aspect to their desire to recover these varieties, so I have found it interesting to try to help!

Scientifically, I think it would be interesting to do a small study of these native varieties to analyze their relationships, and the relationship of them to the “Corn-belt Dents”, which as I understand were mostly developed east of the Mississippi. I suspect that there may also be interesting alleles in these.

The Pawnee trace their heritage to the proto-Aztecs, and there is some linguistic evidence for that. Apparently a group moved northeast to present day East Texas and Louisiana, and are known as the Caddo. Some of the Caddo moved north to Kansas/Nebraska and became the four tribal groups of the Pawnee, and the linguistic evidence for their Caddo connection is VERY strong.

Before this situation came up, I had never thought of using genebanks for this sort of cultural purpose. I found several of the Pawnee very interesting. They sincerely feel a connection to the land, fauna and flora. Several of the corn varieties are associated with rituals, and all of them are involved in “sacred bundles”. They stored artifacts, momentos, historical items and specific corn varieties in the bundles. They kept about a dozen varieties each of corn, beans, and squash/pumpkin, and always planted each corn variety at distances of about 500 paces—near the modern seed certification isolation distance! When the stars were in the correct position each spring, the corn was planted with a ceremony. After it reached about knee high, they hoed it to control weeds, followed by a ceremony, after which they would leave for the summer buffalo hunt. Late summer/early fall they would return to their permanent log and earthen houses and start the crop harvest and storage. After harvesting (and more ceremonies) they would go out on the fall hunt, then return to their homes for winter.

Different corns were used for different foods, including a popcorn. I have found the whole experience—reading and meeting the “corn sisters”, and learning a bit about the culture fascinating.

We are what we crop?

The first installment of a promised two-part coffee-table conversation from Jacob van Etten.

Some time ago, I promised to write something about if and how crops shape societies. ‘Environmental determinism’ and ‘technological determinism’ are not popular theories in the social sciences these days. ‘Crop determinism’ is in a way both these types of determinism in one, so doubly despicable, I guess.

But I like deterministic theories. For one thing, they make for good talk around the coffee table. Ellen Semple’s environmental determinism is classic and moreover produces grand prose:

Man is a product of the earth’s surface. This means not merely that he is a child of the earth, dust of her dust; but that the earth has mothered him, fed him, set him tasks, directed his thoughts, confronted him with difficulties that have strengthened his body and sharpened his wits, given him his problems of navigation or irrigation, and at the same time whispered hints for their solution. She has entered into his bone and tissue, into his mind and soul. On the mountains she has given him leg muscles of iron to climb the slope; along the coast she has left these weak and flabby, but given him instead vigorous development of chest and arm to handle his paddle or oar. In the river valley she attaches him to the fertile soil, circumscribes his ideas and ambitions by a dull round of calm, exacting duties, narrows his outlook to the cramped horizon of his farm.

That’s by way of prelude to her famous thesis that monotheism is the product of desert landscapes.

Up on the wind-swept plateaus, in the boundless stretch of the grasslands and the waterless tracts of the desert, where he roams with his flocks from pasture to pasture and oasis to oasis, where life knows much hardship but escapes the grind of drudgery, where the watching of grazing herd gives him leisure for contemplation, and the wide-ranging life a big horizon, his ideas take on a certain gigantic simplicity; religion becomes monotheism, God becomes one, unrivalled like the sand of the desert and the grass of the steppe, stretching on and on without break or change. Chewing over and over the cud of his simple belief as the one food of his unfed mind, his faith becomes fanaticism; his big spacial ideas, born of that ceaseless regular wandering, outgrow the land that bred them and bear their legitimate fruit in wide imperial conquests.

Ellen Semple was a geographer who worked in the first half of the 20th century. Now, for much of the rest of that century geographers have been busy rebuking such coffee-table theorizing. Carl Sauer, one of the founding fathers of modern geography, who wrote a great deal about agriculture, said that cultures and environments influence each other. It is all about how we learn about our environment and acquire the skills to make the earth a suitable habitat for ourselves. Different cultures do that in different ways, independent of the environment they live in.

That is a good point, of course, but there may be certain general tendencies in human adaptation to the environment — parallel evolution, so to say. At least, one-cause theories open our eyes to certain patterns we hadn’t noticed before and which demand an explanation. Personally, I don’t believe that monotheism has much to do with deserts or horizons. But another of my favourite theories in this category is perhaps more plausible.

Slicher van Bath, a Dutch historian, argued that democracy has to do with wet soils. ((B.H. Slicher van Bath. 1948. Boerenvrijheid (Groningen/Batavia), inaugural lecture at the University of Groningen.)) The argument goes like this. On wet soils in Europe (peat soils in the Netherlands, the UK and elsewhere, Swiss valleys), there are few agricultural alternatives to livestock. In times of need, livestock farmers sell a cow or a sheep. The following year, new animals are born, so they can recover from the loss. In this way, farmers retain their independence and remain on an equal footing. But if you are a crop farmer, you may, by contrast, be forced to sell some land. Land, unlike livestock, doesn’t reproduce. Some farmers will accumulate a lot of land and start to dominate. A less democratic society is born.

Livestock countries in Europe are among the most democratic ones, so this makes sense, it seems to me. Perhaps some jobless mapper could further test it by doing a nice overlay map of soil wetness and democracy indices.

Mountain valleys also shape very particular kinds of societies. Another of my favourites is an article by Robert Rhoades and Stephen Thompson about the remarkable parallels between ‘adaptive strategies’ in mountains. ((R.E. Rhoades & S.I. Thompson. 1975. Adaptive strategies in alpine environments: beyond ecological particularism. American Ethnologist X, 535-551.)) Strong communal decision-making and fragmented landholdings are found in the Andes, the Himalayas, as well as in the Alps. Also, both the Himalayas and the Alps have traditionally drained off their ‘surplus’ males as mercenaries. I wonder: what is the Andean variant of the fierce Gurkhas and the quaint Swiss guards?

And what about crops then, you ask? Stay tuned for Part Two…

Depictions of sacred plants in Maya pottery investigated

Hot on the heels of the belated identification of the “penis pepper” depicted on Moche pottery comes more news of ethnobotanical detective work involving plant iconography. Natural historian and archaeologist Charles Zidar of the Missouri Botanical Garden and botanist Wayne Elisens of the University of Oklahoma looked at 2,500 images from southern lowland Maya (Belize, Guatemala and Mexico) ceramics dated to the Classical Period (AD 250 to 900). They focused on depictions of Bombacoideae, “which are easily identified morphologically and have culinary, medicinal, ceremonial, economic, and cosmological significance to the Maya.” Of the ten species present in the area, four or five were found represented on the ceramics.

“I was surprised that a variety of plants from this family were depicted,” says Zidar.

Among them is Ceiba pentandra:

Considered the “first tree”, or “world tree”, the ceiba was thought to stand at the centre of the Earth. Modern indigenous people still often leave the tree alone out of respect when harvesting forest wood.

The thorny trunks of the ceiba tree are represented by ceramic pots used as burial urns or incense holders, which are designed in a strikingly similar fashion.

Investigation of the plant images is continuing, and is being extended to animals. Here’s Zinder again:

By determining what plants were of importance to the ancient Maya, it is my hope that identified plants can be further studied for pharmaceutical, culinary, economic and ceremonial uses. More should be done to conserve large tracts of forest in order to properly study theses plants for their value to mankind.

LATER: By the way, there are some depictions of plants in Mayan art which have yet to be identified.

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