Growing bigger rice grains

ResearchBlogging.orgThe Indiana Joneses of domestication are better served by a DNA sequencer than a bullwhip, but they’re digging up stuff that’s every bit as exciting as a crystal skull. ((Yeah, right. If you’re a complete crop dork.)) Latest case in point, a paper published online in Nature Genetics today by Takeshi Izawa and colleagues at the National Institute of Agrobiological Sciences in Tsukuba, Japan. ((Shomura, A., Izawa, T., Ebana, K., Ebitani, T., Kanegae, H., Konishi, S., Yano, M. (2008). Deletion in a gene associated with grain size increased yields during rice domestication. Nature Genetics. DOI: 10.1038/ng.169)) They’ve discovered that a single mutation — the loss of just 1212 DNA code letters — was a fundamental step in the domestication of rice.

Agroarchaeologists have always had a fun time sitting in armchairs, waving their arms and saying things like “and then people would select for larger grains”. But really, how much heritable variation is there in grain size in a variety? Not a lot, given that 100-seed weight is sometimes sufficiently invariable as to be a diagnostic characteristic.

Domesticated rice definitely has larger grains, and more of them, than Oryza rufipogon, the ancestor of both indica and japonica modern rices. There’s still some argument over whether the two types were truly independently domesticated, but if not they have certainly been evolving separately since domestication. So Izawa et al. crossed Nipponbare (that’s it, below), a large-grained japonica, and Kasalath, a thin-grained indica, and looked for genetic differences associated with differences in the width of the rice seeds.

tsukuba_ine2.gif They found several, of which one, called qSW5, because it is a quantitative trait locus for seed width on chromosome 5, explained almost 40% of the natural variation in seed width. They then created a variety that contained the crucial bit of Kasalath chromosome 5 in a background of Nipponbare genes. That revealed a greater number of rows of specialized cells in the outer glume, a known determinant of grain size. Cloning the gene and putting it into thin-grained Kasalath resulted in larger grains.

They also looked for the qSW5 gene in more than 100 japonica and indica landraces, and found a clear link between the Nipponbare version of the gene, with the deletion, and wider grains.

A final piece of evidence. In a field trial, Nipponbare with the Kasalath gene yielded 10% less, while Kasalath with the Nipponbare gene had heavier grains.

All of which leads Izawa to comment that “qSW5 is a domestication-related gene in rice” and to suggest “the possible use of the defective qSW5 allele for a breeding program of new indica cultivars”.

The deletion in the qSW5 gene that results in fatter grains is a functional nucleotide polymorphism (FNP). It is good to see the researchers refer to it as “defective” even though we don’t actually know how it might be selected against in the wild-type population. In a neat coda to the main study, the researchers looked at two other FNPs associated with domestication, one that controls the taste and texture of cooked rice grains and one that keeps the rice grains attached to their stalk. ((This loss of shattering is often a diagnostic of domestication.)) With the wild rice alleles for comparison, they examined 142 rice landraces to see which varieties had the old — i.e. unselected — version of each of the three FNPs.

Most of the indica landraces carried the original alleles. A distinct group of japonica varieties had all three FNPs. This supports the idea of two independent domestications. ((Astonishing! We were blogging about the geography of rice (albeit in a slightly different context, exactly one year ago today.)) And among the japonicas, there were some landraces that had only one or two of the FNPs, suggesting that there are true “heritage” varieties with a longer independent history. I’m sure those are properly conserved in genebanks.

Sorghum endures

How much crop genetic diversity have we lost? At one level, the question is easy to answer: three quarters over the last century. That’s certainly the number that’s most often quoted.

But that doesn’t make it right. In particular, I have it on very good authority that the figure may in fact be traceable back — a la Chinese whispers — to a statement in Fowler & Mooney’s 1990 book Shattering: “As the mid-1970s were reached, three-quarters of Europe’s traditional vegetable seed stood on the verge of extinction.”

Not quite the same thing. Anyway, be that as it may, the existence of a dominant narrative hasn’t stopped people going out into the field and — the horror! — actually collecting data.

Continue reading “Sorghum endures”

Maybe bio-char does have a part to play

Terra preta is the very fertile black soil found mostly in parts of the Amazon basin, and believed to have been created by people mixing fine particles of charcoal and other stuff into the soil. A whole lot of voodoo has grown up around the subject, with unscrupulous charlatans, head in the sand naysayers and all manner of other life forms clustering around the idea. Some people think that one can create terra preta by adding bio-char to the soil, and that miracles will ensue.

I recently dumped on biofuels from a great height because in essence they are mining the soil. Doesn’t matter how slowly; at some point, the fun will have to stop. In the comments on that post, Karl and Anastasia weighed in by saying that bio-char, a potential residue after extracting bioenergy, could be returned to the land to close the loop. I dumped on that idea too.

Now I’m not so sure. Continue reading “Maybe bio-char does have a part to play”

Right to food

Jacob has now asked about the right to food, and said:

I understand the right to food as a negative right (something like “the right to encounter no artificial obstacles to active food procurement”). “Getting out of the way” is then exactly what governments are supposed to do.

The “Right to Food” has been part of the general discourse for a while. Here’s what the latest declaration has to say on the subject, in it’s entirety: “We also recall the Voluntary Guidelines to Support the Progressive Realization of the Right to Adequate Food in the Context of National Food Security. We reiterate that it is unacceptable that 862 million people are still undernourished in the world today.”

You can find the whole Declaration on the FAO web site.

FAO member governments accepted the Right to Food in the Voluntary Guidelines etc etc in 2004. So far, few have done anything about it.

Personally, I’m unhappy about most discourses on rights, because to my way of thinking, rights carry obligations. Property rights, for example, oblige me to ensure that my property does not harm others. I’m not sure how talking about a right to food obliges me to do anything. Nor am I sure how I am supposed to insist upon that right. There’s a basic power discrepancy, which Frances Moore Lappé writes about more eloquently than I could.

For one, rights and power are too easily uncoupled. Prisoners have a right to food, for instance…but their power? Even a totalitarian state can guarantee the right to food.

Also, hearing “rights,” one can quickly slide into passive mode–to assumed provision by somebody else, as in the right to an education or to a jury trial, where it makes perfect sense. The frame doesn’t necessarily spur people to envision and build their own power. It can also lead one to imagine an end-point state of being–something settled–not necessarily an unending process of citizen co-creation.

I’m not sure that most of the world shares Jacob’s view of the right to food as a negative right, and it is true I suppose that “getting out of the way” is something governments could do, but it wouldn’t achieve much. There are things they need to do, mostly things that individuals simply cannot achieve. On Friday Luigi nibbled a World Bank report saying that decent roads and better extension services are needed. Those are perfect places for government to intervene, because they give citizens the opportunity to secure their own food supplies.

Not entirely on the subject, but here are the views of three Nobel laureates in economics on food:

Gary Becker: There is one other area of concern globally, and that is the price rises in oil and food. Oil price increases are driven by increased demand, including from China and India. Food price increases, though, are in large measure supply-driven; there has been a reduction in supply due to the shift of acreage from food crops to corn for biofuels. That means more corn is grown and less soybeans. As corn and soy prices increase, the consumer shifts to rice, which causes the price of rice to go up.

So, supply-and-demand-driven rises are merging. Oil supply can’t be increased without sufficiently high prices, which will spur further exploration and investment. To get food prices down, you can increase acreage and improve productivity with technology. The food crisis will be solved by supply adjustments.

Michael Spence: The poorest spend 60 percent of their income on food. For now, we need a rapid response to malnutrition whatever the long-term solutions. Over time, productivity can increase, as was the case with the Green Revolution. Yet, 50 percent of Chinese still work in rural agriculture and 70 percent of Indians. Capital-intensive agriculture and higher productivity would displace them from their living. It’s a double-edged sword.

Myron Scholes: If you move too fast to improve productivity in food, you create a surplus population that is forced to move to the already over-urbanized cities. That is a huge cost. There are 1.25 billion people in agriculture in India and China. Where will they go?

Say what you like about economists, they’re seldom boring.

Positive or negative: you decide

Jacob takes me to task for being too negative. He says:

Governments play an important role (positive or negative) in making the sort of solutions you propose viable in the long term. That’s why heaping coals of fire on the heads of government leaders is a better strategy than simply writing them off.

Most of the rest of the world has been heaping coals of fire on the heads of government leaders, who last week were gathered in Rome to discuss high food prices, climate change and bioenergy. And what did the assembled government leaders do to rid themselves of the flames? More or less nothing. ((The Economist is, for once, more optimistic than I am.))

It was as if they were blissfully unaware that their heads were on fire.

Pious sentiments were “reaffirmed,” as if that will make some difference. Money was forthcoming for emergency. humanitarian aid, and that’s a good thing, although even in the realm of food aid I suspect that there are more sustainable solutions that could be tried. Everyone talked about the need for more research, but mostly of the same old kind, and without offering a single additional red cent to pay for it.

You may be aware that the head of the US delegation, Secretary of Agriculture Ed Schafer, used his statement to tell the assembly how he’d had a nice chat with Norman Borlaug about how to solve the food crisis. But he didn’t mention that the US has cut its support for research by CGIAR centres, the very centres that Borlaug’s work helped to get going, nor that Borlaug himself has asked several times for this decision to be reconsidered. The CGIAR may or may not not be the most effective route to great agricultural R&D for developing countries, but it isn’t as if the US is putting its money anywhere else that will benefit poor people in poor countries. The US is doing research, of course. And almost every intervention by the US delegate on that topic stressed the need for advanced biotechnology to provide the very poorest people with food security.

Jacob rightly points out that “governments play an important role (positive or negative) in making the sort of solutions you propose viable in the long term”. And my point is simply that I’ve seen very little evidence of a positive role, especially not lately. The reason is that the people heaping coals of fire on government heads are not the poor of poor countries, but the rich of their own countries.

What policy changes would be most effective in boosting food security in developing countries? Dismantling trade barriers of all kinds; subsidies, import tariffs, export taxes. And that’s not just my opinion, it’s the carefully considered recommendation of people who’ve spent a lot of time studying these things, for example the International Food Policy Research Institute and the Royal Institute of International Affairs in the UK, to mention just a couple.

And what were the hot-headed government leaders, including 23 heads of state, doing at the FAO meeting last week? Everything they possibly could to keep those trade barriers in place.

Indeed, governments large and small, rich and poor, could play a very important positive role in tackling hunger and poverty, but on past evidence they simply don’t know how to. The very least they could do would be to get out of the way.